BPR Mailing List Digest: 03/23/01

Philologos
BPR Mailing List Digest
March 23, 2001

Digest Home | 2001 | March, 2001

To: bprlist@yahoogroups.com
Subject: [bprlist] (Fwd) more on the "time of Jacob's trouble."
From: <owner-bpr@philologos.org>
Date: Fri, 23 Mar 2001 07:47:27 -0500

------- Forwarded message follows -------
Send reply to: <benyosef@torahvoice.org>
From: "ben Yosef"
To: "ben Yosef"
Subject: more on the "time of Jacob's trouble."
Date sent: Fri, 23 Mar 2001 14:14:41 +0200

Shalom,

A few of you have enquired as to whether the declaration of a "time of
Jacob's trouble" Yesterday with a Yom Kippur Katan (little Yom Kippur)
was the first time this has been done by the rabbonim.

I did not know the answer so I spoke this morning with Rav Schneider
about this. He said the kabbalists characteristically think of the
eve of EVERY new month as a "Yom Kippur Katan," but this is not the
ordinary practice of the Orthodox or the rest of the Hassidim,
including the Breslovers.

He added that Yom Kippur Katan is more often associated with Erev
Chodesh Nisan due primarily to the growing influence of the tzaddikim
among the Hassidim and Orthodox and the desire to prepare for the
Passover two weeks later through a "little" day of atonement.

But he said the phrase "time of Jacob's trouble" is a special
declaration. He recalls the catch phrase being thrown around (at least
informally) during the Gulf War when the Scud attacks were ongoing and
even a good percentage of secular Jews were seeking some consolance in
the shuls on Shabbat. But while it may be simply a "catch phrase,"
when the world seems to be getting out of hand from the perspective of
the rabbonim, he agreed with me that Hashem can use it to ignite
something at the grass roots, which appears to be what is happening.

It is too early to say just how far this "revival" will go and whether
it will spread at all. But whatever else can be said of yesterday, it
is clear that hearts cried out to Hashem in a way that had to be
pleasing to Him.

At the same time, Rav Schneider places the responsibility for the
current problems solely on the heads of rabbonim who had the
opportunity to resist and speak out against Oslo and did not, against
Palestinian autonomy in Judea-Samaria-Gaza and did not. The rabbonim
were united in their support for retaining the Golan and supported the
rally for a reunited Jerusalem and in those two areas, Israel remains
strong and committed and inflexible. The same could be true with
Judea-Samaria and the Jewish settlement towns today had the rabbonim
so chosen.

I know that I personally approached several rabbis to support the
"right-wing opposition" and the Jewish settlers back in 1992-93 when
the movement was looking to THEM for spiritual leadership and was
sorely disappointed at their response, so I share Rav Schneider's
sentiment about this FAILURE on their part, which branded those of us
who were arrested or imprisoned or deported for our "fragmented"
oppositon. On the other hand, perhaps the spiritual leadership of
Judah had to wash its hands of Samaria before Hashem could awaken JOES
to their rights and responsibilities in this same area!)

It is promising that the rabbonim are NOW FINALLY uniting but there is
much spiritual ground to be reclaimed. Again, Joes, I believe that
without the spiritual and perhaps even the human resources of the
House of Joseph, what can NOW be done by the House of Judah in this
regard is limited. It is my hope that as part of this crying out to
Hashem for an answer, that more of Judah will come to this realization
as well.

And that is another MAJOR reason why the authority of the rabbonim
should be respected and obeyed. In fact, I will go so far as to say
that Hashem could be bringing about this very change of heart NOW,
BECAUSE -- NOW -- there are Joes who do respect rabbinic authority and
ARE waiting on their lead.

So, the bottom line to me is the "time of Jacob's trouble" is not a
time of just "JUDAH's" trouble. It is a time when JOES must share in
the responsibility as part of JACOB. I can't say it often enough.
Two-thirds of those unannexed territories are the inheritance of the
tribes of Joseph.

Since I am NOT an eschatologist I can't tell you what else could be
implied by the words of Daniel and in the New Testament as it relates
to the "time of Jacob's trouble." To me it simply represents an
OPPORTUNITY for greater solidarity with my Jewish brothers and the
recognition by the spiritual leaders of Judah that they need Hashem's
help and greater spiritual resources. But Rav Schneider has some
mystical ideas that tie it to the removal of the "wicked" Saddam and
the coming of Moshiah, which we have discussed earlier and I will try
to pin him down on later.

Shalom Shalom & Shabbat Shalom & Hashem's love & blessings,
ben Yosef

------- End of forwarded message -------

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======= To: <bprlist@yahoogroups.com>
Subject: [bprlist] The Nation of Islam
From: Pam
Date: Fri, 23 Mar 2001 08:28:07 -0500

You might find the following has merit. Do with it as you see fit.
God bless you. Charlie Baker.

The ‘Jihad´ of the Beast?

About 600 years after the resurrection of Our Lord, Jesus Christ, a
man, born in 570 AD, who had been orphaned at age six, claimed to have a
series of visions in which he was visited by the angel Gabriel. His
name was Muhammad. He was led, by these visions, to write what is known
today as the Koran, or Quran, and to found the ‘Nation of Islam´, a
theocracy, made up of ‘Muslims´, or ‘Moslems´. Muslims believe in one
God, whom they call Allah, and they worship Allah as devotedly as Jews
worship the God of Abraham and Isaac, and Christians worship the God of
the Trinity. The Koran, to the Muslims, is what the Torah is to the
Jews and the Bible to the Christians. Muhammad, in his formative years,
had occasion to meet with and learn from both Jews and Christians of
that era and the teachings of the Koran include facets of both Judaism
and Christianity. Both Jesus Christ and Muhammad are believed to be
prophets of Allah, by Muslims, whereas Christians believe Jesus Christ
is the Son of God. Praise the Lord!

The Nation of Islam, the theocracy that was established by Muhammad,
was predominant in the 'western' world for some 600 years and, in its
heyday, ruled from Spain through to and including parts of India. At
one time it encompassed more area than the Roman Empire. The members of
the Nation of Islam, Muslims, sent out ‘missionaries´ to convert people
to Islam then followed them up with troops to force those who had not
become Muslims to do so or die. From this it appears obvious that Islam
is an all or nothing ‘citizenship in the body of Muslims´, by force.
Christianity, on the other hand, is an all or nothing ‘citizenship in
the body of Christ´, by choice. Praise the Lord!

Jerry Golden, on the bpr list of Mar.16/01, speaking of the present
‘Jihad´ in the mid-east, wrote: "Because of the unrest in the world and
the large-scale violence the religion of Islam has gained more ground
than any other religion in the world today. There are a reported 1.2
BILLION Moslems in the world today, making it the largest religion. To
them all other religions are their enemy and they must either convert
you or kill you, there is no middle ground. That is JIHAD plain and
simple."

I think it is possible that, when the ‘body of Christ´ is removed from
the scene, the ‘body of Muslims´ could grow at a fantastic rate. It is
already growing rapidly, today, and would probably grow even more
rapidly after the Church is raptured so that, by the mid-point of the 7
years, when Satan is cast out of heaven, he would have a world-wide
assembly to use. The present ‘Jihad´ is directed against the woman, the
Nation of Israel. But, since, as Jerry says: "To them all other
religions are their enemy.." I think they will turn on all and impose
their ‘convert or die´ philosophy through the ‘mark of the beast´. The
present day mid-east Jihad will become world-wide. Praise the Lord!

In a subsequent report Jerry stated: "Report, tonight, Mar.18/01, from
Russia to the effect that Islamic militants are actively seeking to take
over parts of Russia that, at one time, were under the control of
Moslems. The pot is ready to boil and, when the bubbles begin to burst
on the surface of the sea of humanity, the whole world will be come to a
‘boil´ and the steam from the conflicts will scald and blind the world."

Nevertheless, Come, Lord Jesus. Praise the Lord!

God Bless you. Charlie Baker.

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======= To: bprlist@yahoogroups.com
Subject: Re: [bprlist] The Nation of Islam
From: jbonner
Date: Fri, 23 Mar 2001 13:26:23 EST

Dear Charles,

Where does the name Allah come from and what does it mean? Who is the god of
the Muslims historically?

JaneB

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======= To: bprlist@yahoogroups.com
Subject: [bprlist] (Fwd) CRISIS UPDATE March 23, 2001
From: <owner-bpr@philologos.org>
Date: Fri, 23 Mar 2001 10:17:01 -0500

------- Forwarded message follows -------
Send reply to: "David Dolan" <news@cfijerusalem.org>
From: "David Dolan" <news@cfijerusalem.org>
To: "David Dolan" <news@cfijerusalem.org>
Subject: CRISIS UPDATE March 23, 2001
Date sent: Fri, 23 Mar 2001 12:01:30 +0200

Several of Israel's Hebrew-language newspapers report today that
Hizbullah militia forces in Lebanon have taken possession of powerful
Iranian rockets that can strike central Israel-potentially carrying
chemical weapons. The reports reveal that Prime Minister Ariel Sharon
shared this disturbing information with American officials during his
US visit. It is not clear if Jerusalem is within reach, but it is
believed that Tel Aviv and points north definitely are, meaning a
majority of the country's Jewish citizens and Israel's main industrial
centers are within harm's way. Sharon reportedly shared with
President George Bush and other US leaders substantial evidence that
Iran vigorously stepped up its weapons deliveries to Hizbullah forces
after Israeli troops were pulled out of southern Lebanon last May.
While much of the weaponry is being shipped through Damascus airport,
as in the past, transfers are also now taking place through Beirut
airport itself, and also overland (a development made possible by the
recent reconciliation between Iranian and Iraqi leaders, with the
ground route to Lebanon passing through Iraq and Syria). Israeli
military analysts quoted in today's papers warn that Iran is
apparently planning to take an active part in any new regional Mideast
war by means of its Lebanese proxy force.

Another terror attack was launched late last night, this time in the
wealthy coastal town of Herzliya, just north of Tel Aviv. The
community is the home of many foreign diplomats stationed in Israel.
Police said a vehicle packed with two kilograms of explosives blew up
near a popular restaurant in the town's high-tech industrial zone.
The explosives, rigged to a cell phone timer, were mixed in with nails
to increase the impact of the blast. Nearby cars and windows were
damaged, and one woman was treated for shock at the scene. However
police said it was nothing short of a miracle that no one was
seriously injured or killed in the attack. A man was spotted fleeing
the scene just before the explosion, but was not apprehended by
security forces.

Shooting attacks on Jewish targets were reported in several locations
overnight, including at a cement factory south of Bethlehem. Armed
clashes also continued in parts of the Gaza Strip. Israeli army
officials denied Palestinian reports that troops had deliberately
bombed a Force 17 headquarters building when responding to shelling of
the settlement of Netzarim on Wednesday night. The IDF spokesman said
troops were only targeting a Force 17 squad who participated in the
mortar attack, although he added that tank shrapnel might have struck
the nearby headquarters building. One member of Yasser Arafat's elite
guard, killed in the IDF counterattack, was buried in the Gaza Strip
yesterday. Other members of Arafat's personal security force
attending the emotional funeral vowed to avenge his death.

Prime Minister Sharon-said to be highly satisfied with the warm and
sympathetic reception he received from US government and Jewish
leaders in America--wasted no time reviewing the deteriorating
security situation upon his return to Israel yesterday afternoon. He
met at Ben Gurion airport with senior security officials to discuss
the recent upsurge in attacks. Israeli media reports say Sharon has
decided not to play into Arafat's hands by launching a major offensive
against armed PA forces, which would only buttress the PLO leader's
demand for an "international protection force" to be rushed to the
disputed territories. Instead, they say he has ordered Israeli
security agents to "take out" senior Force 17 leaders in as "discreet"
a manner as possible.

Speaking on the record, Sharon told reporters at the airport that he
had warned Arafat through diplomatic channels that if he does not curb
escalating Force 17 attacks, Israel will "take matters into our own
hands." He then blamed Arafat for being directly behind the recent
spate of violent assaults: "Unfortunately today, the element
disrupting security and also blocking the way to a diplomatic
agreement is the chairman of the Palestinian Authority, Yasser
Arafat." Meeting in Ramallah last evening, the PA cabinet said it
will not stand for Israeli "terrorist attacks" on Force 17 members,
and averred that the IDF is planning to reoccupy PA-controlled
territory. It also reissued its call for a UN force to be immediately
sent to the region to "protect our people from imminent Israeli
aggression."

Israeli meteorologists are predicting heavy rainfall today and
tomorrow in much of the water-starved country. The early spring storm
is said to be blowing in from the region of Turkey. Motorists have
been warned to drive carefully on slick roads. Although winter rains
were not too far below normal this year, the Sea of Galilee and
underground aquifers remain woefully depleted after several years of
drought conditions, leading officials to warn that severe water
restrictions will need to be imposed on farmers and city dwellers in
the coming months.

DAVID DOLAN is a Jerusalem-based author and journalist. He has written
the monthly Israel News Digest for CHRISTIAN FRIENDS OF ISRAEL since
1986. His new book ISRAEL IN CRISIS: WHAT LIES AHEAD? and his previous
books ISRAEL AT THE CROSSROADS and THE END OF DAYS may be ordered by
phoning 888-890-6938 in North America, or by e mail at
resources@yourisraelconnection.org Israel in Crisis is also
available in Australia by contacting John at Admin@hatikvahfilm.com or
by phoning to Perth at 08 9345 1777.
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======= To: bprlist@yahoogroups.com
Subject: [bprlist] Arutz-7 News items (3/23/01)
From: "research-bpr" <research-bpr@philologos.org>
Date: Fri, 23 Mar 2001 13:46:14 -0500

STRUGGLE GOES ON FOR RACHEL'S TOMB
Grassroots efforts on behalf of Rachel's Tomb - including an encampment
and
bus service - continue non-stop, even after four and a half months of
activity. Hevron resident Shelly Karzen is one of the leaders of the
winter-long encampment she and others established a few hundred meters
from
the holy site.

"When we established this encampment [in November 2000]," she told Arutz-
7
yesterday, "Rachel's Tomb had been totally closed to the Jewish public for
some weeks. Arabs kept threatening the site, and even tried to overrun
it... We demanded that the army reopen it quickly, fearing that what had
happened at Joseph's Tomb in Shechem would also occur here." It will be
recalled that after several harsh battles over Joseph's Tomb at the
beginning of the Rosh HaShanah Arab Assault, in which one IDF soldier was
killed, the Israelis suddenly decided to evacuate the site. Within hours,
local Arabs had destroyed the yeshiva that had operated there for some 20
years, and turned the site into a mosque.

"In principle," Karzen said, "Rachel's Tomb is open to Jewish worship 24
hours a day. The problem is that the army allows Jews to get there only in
bulletproof vehicles. Practically speaking, then, hardly anybody can
come. A private organization named Yesh Sachar LiF'ulotech ["Your Efforts
Will Be Rewarded," the prophet's promise to the Matriarch Rachel] has
organized bulletproof buses three hours every morning, from 9-12. We call
upon the public to use these buses!"

When asked if it was not dangerous to go to Rachel's Tomb to pray, Karzen
replied, "It's dangerous *not* to go there; Rachel is our connection with
the Land of Israel [see Jer. 31, 14-16]. But in addition, the site is
located only 400 meters from Jerusalem city line, opposite an army camp,
and it is built as a fortress... We can keep on demanding more free entry
- and we have even noticed a small positive change in the authorities'
attitude of late - but in truth it's up to the public. If the public
doesn't come, and doesn't show that it values Rachel's Tomb, this weakens
the claims of our local group here. We need the public to come to the site
and demand to get in, and this will strengthen our hold here..."

CANADA BACKS CALL FOR PALESTINIAN "RIGHT OF RETURN"
A 56-page booklet promoting the "return" of Arab refugees to the homes they
left in 1948 has been published and distributed by the Canadian
Government. David Bedein of Israel Resource News Agency reports that the
booklet features an introduction by PLO spokeswoman Hanan Ashrawi,
which
calls for the right of the Arabs to repossess the 531 villages they lost in
1948, even though these have since been totally incorporated into Israel.

The booklet was published and distributed by the "Canadian Representative
Office in Ramallah", as is stated within. Replete with pictures of
suffering refugees, it condemns what it calls Israel's "denial of the right
of return." Bedein notes that the booklet implies that Israel's purpose in
its 1948 War of Independence was to kick out the Arabs, and that it never
mentions that seven Arab armies, with the support of local Arabs, invaded
the new Jewish state. "By publishing [the booklet,]" concludes Bedein,
"Canada has adopted a partisan pro-PLO position that will forever
compromise any role that Canada may endeavor to play in the future" in
solving the refugee issue in the Middle East.

HAREIDI MKs SUPPORT EUTHANASIA BILL
A new euthanasia bill passed its first reading in the Knesset Law Committee
this week, and many observers were surprised to find among its supporters
the United Torah Judaism party. The bill would allow persons suffering
from a terminal illness to instruct physicians not to use artificial means
to prolong their lives. MK Rabbi Avraham Ravitz (UTJ) explained to Arutz-7
that the proposal was changed to meet halakhic [Jewish legal]
requirements: "First of all, we are not talking about any active act to
shorten life, but rather certain passive acts. The patient must still be
granted oxygen, liquids, and food. Of course, the determination whether a
patient is actually terminally-ill will be made according to standards that
we will be able to accept..."

The bill demands that two persons who do not stand to gain anything from
the patient=92s death be witnesses to the patient=92s request not to use
artificial life-saving means. The proposal will be brought for its
preliminary Knesset reading after the Pesach vacation, several weeks from
now. MK David Tal of Shas, who also supported the bill, said afterwards,
"With broad understanding, it's possible to reach agreement even on a bill
like this, which is complex from the standpoint of Halakhah and values but
is important for the entire public."

WATER TROUBLES
Water officials warns that Israel will have a difficult time fulfilling its
promise to provide water to Jordan. The obligation is spelled out in the
Israeli-Jordanian peace agreement; the same agreement also states the
countries will conduct diplomatic relations - a clause that was abrogated
by Jordan when it recently recalled its Ambassador from Tel Aviv. Water
Commissioner Shimon Tal says that this is indicated by the Kinneret Sea's
low level. The Sea of Galilee is still below the government-mandated
minimum "red line" of 213 meters below sea level. National Infrastructures
Minister Avigdor Lieberman said that there will be problems with the water
supply to Kiryat Arba-Hevron and Jenin this summer.

Rain is expected to fall this Shabbat throughout the country.

Lebanon will begin drawing water from the Hatzbani River - a main source of
Israel's water - tomorrow. The new pumping station it built north of
Israel's Metullah last week was the subject of stern warnings from Israel
to Lebanon against changing the status quo. Israeli officials hinted that
water disputes had led to wars in the past. In the end, however, Israel
decided that the amount of water to be drawn by Lebanon did not warrant a
military escalation.

NOTES ON COLLECTIVE PUNISHMENT
Israel continues to be criticized for its "collective punishment" defensive
policy. Some responses to the criticism:

Rabbi Eli Teitelbaum, Director of the Torah Communications Network in New
York, wonders why the world cries out over Israel's attempts to prevent
terrorist infiltration into its cities, yet was not bothered by the
American bombing and UN sanctions against Iraq, which surely caused
death
and suffering to innocent Iraqis. He notes that the Ten Plagues visited
upon Egypt were meant to cause suffering also to those who were merely
"happy" when the Jews suffered.

Ha'aretz commentator Yisrael Harel wrote,
"[Anti-Sharon critics] hurl accusations against the IDF, blaming it for
inhumane collective punishment, and demanding that the army act
selectively, only against guilty parties. But only yesterday when the IDF
operated in this way, carrying out pinpoint strikes against 'those who
shoot and attack,' the same critics berated the IDF for deploying
'assassination squads.' These accusations, fraught with disturbing
connotations, were adopted by international organizations that haven't a
clue about what's really going on in the country. Officers and soldiers
who took part in this warfare have been branded 'war criminals=85'"

Jewish Press columnist Dov Gilor writes,
"This type of blockade [as used in Ramallah] is legal and should be used
whenever necessary... When U.S. President Harry Truman dropped the
atom
bomb on Japan, all of Japan was collectively punished in order to stop the
killing of American troops. Israel has the same obligation to stop the
killing of innocent Jews by Arab murderers."

Arutz Sheva News Service
<http://www.IsraelNationalNews.com>
Friday, Mar. 23, 2001 / Adar 28, 5761

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======= To: bprlist@yahoogroups.com
Subject: [bprlist] (Fwd) EXCERPTS: Anti-Israel terrorists o.k.? Arafat past po
From: "research-bpr" <research-bpr@philologos.org>
Date: Fri, 23 Mar 2001 13:48:03 -0500

------- Forwarded message follows -------
Date sent: Fri, 23 Mar 2001 09:46:14 -0500
From: imra@netvision.net.il
To: imra@imra.org.il
Subject: EXCERPTS: Anti-Israel terrorists o.k.?
Arafat past point of no return.
Insights to Egypt's political history.

EXCERPTS: Anti-Israel terrorists o.k.?Arafat past point of no
return.Insights to Egypt's political history.

+++AL-AHRAM WEEKLY 15-21 Mar.'01:"Taking sides" by Khaled
Dawoud

            HEADING:"Does Britain's new anti-terrorism offensive target
militancy -- or Islam? Khaled
                                Dawoud wonders if Britain is toeing the
American line"
            QUOTES FROM TEXT:
               "the list names 15 Islamic groups among them
organisations like Lebanon's Hizbullah
                and the Pallestinian groups Hamas and Jihad --
considered by many Arabs and Muslims
                to be legitimate resistance grouips fighting Israel's
occupation of Arab territories."

"London-based Islamists will be intensifying their
campaigns to exclude some of the groups
from the ban, particularly those involved in the fight
against Israeli occupation."

            EXCERPTS:
            A list seeking a ban on 21 mainly Islamic groups in Britain
on charges of terrorist involvement
            has the Arab and Muslim community in Britain and abroad
crying foul. Issued earlier this
            month by Britain's Home Secretary Jack Straw, the list names
15 Islamic groups, among
            them organisations like Lebanon's Hizbullah and the
Palestinian groups Hamas and Jihad --
            considered by many Arabs and Muslims to be legitimate
resistance groups fighting Israel's
            occupation of Arab territories.

            The inclusion of two Egyptian groups, Al-Jihad and Al-Gamaa
Al-Islamiya, however, has
            reportedly pleased Egyptian security officials, who hold
Al-Gamaa responsible for most acts
            of terrorist violence between 1992 and 1997, including the
Luxor massacre. ... Egypt has
            repeatedly warned Britain and other European governments
against allowing suspected
            militants to take advantage of lax security laws to raise
money and plot attacks.

            In the past, suspected extremists have been painted as
victims of repression and human rights
            abuses in their home countries and have been given asylum in
the United States and Britain.
            But the massacre of 58 foreign tourists, including six
Britons, at Luxor in November 1997 and
            the twin bombings of the US embassies in Kenya and Tanzania
in August 1998 have changed
            the views in Washington and Europe. The United States now
leads the drive against alleged
            Islamic terrorist groups, particularly those close to
Saudi-born dissident Osama bin Laden... .

            Yasser Serri, who runs the London-based Islamic Observation
Centre (IOC), told the Weekly
            in a telephone interview that the British government's new
move reflects "a racist approach"
            towards Islamic groups and pointed out that the list is an
exact replica of the American list of
            so-called terrorist groups. Sentenced to death by an
Egyptian military court in 1993 for his
            involvement in an assassination attempt on former Prime
Minister Atef Sidki ... he argued
            that the British initiative targets Islamists, saying that
the proof is in the list itself: none of the
            right-wing Israeli groups that openly call for the killing
of Arabs are included.
                     {IMRA: Who are they?}
            He added that some of the groups listed do not even exist in
Britain, like the Palestinian Jihad.

            Fuelling the ire of Britain's Arab and Islamic community,
the government has threatened to
            arrest anyone known to be a member of one of banned groups.
Serri noted that the definition
            of terrorism provided in the Terrorism Act is very broad and
could apply to many people. But
            Gareth Bayley, press attach=E9 at the British embassy in
Cairo, denied that the list targets
            Islamists, claiming instead that the British government "did
not look at these groups in a
            political sense, but on the basis of their actions."
            . . .
            Bayley said that the 21 groups were selected on the basis of
four criteria: the threat they
            posed to British interests, the extent of the group's
presence in the UK; the nature and scale
            of the group's activities and Britain's effort to support
the international community in the fight
            against international terrorism. Most of the groups named on
the list, Bayley conceded, fall
            under the fourth category, but he denied that the list aimed
to please Israel or any of Britain's
            friendly governments in the Arab world. "It [the list] is
not passed with the specific aim of
            appeasing any particular ally of Britain. It is designed to
assist the courts and the police in
            combating terrorism more effectively," he said.

            The list still awaits approval by the House of Lords and the
House of Commons and Serri
            says that London-based Islamists will be intensifying their
campaigns to exclude some of the
            groups from the ban, particularly those involved in the
fight against Israeli occupation.

+++AL-AHRAM WEEKLY 15-21 Mar.'01:"Standing on the brink", by
Graham Usher

            HEADING:"Yasser Arafat and Ariel Sharon engaged in their
first joust as rival national
                               leaders this week and the portents could
hardly be bleaker. Graham Usher
                               reports from "encircled" Ramallah."
             QUOTES FROM TEXT:
                "Give n the enormous human and material sacrifices of
the uprising, Arafat `must
                 get a further Israeli deployment in the West Bank large
enough to convince the
                 Palestinians that a sovereign state is at least on the
way.' "

" `we are engaged in brinkmanship. And its very, very,
dangerous.' "

           EXCERPTS:
           Yasser Arafat did a rare thing on Saturday: he addressed his
people. The Palestinian leader
            gave an all-encompassing speech to 66 of the 88 elected
deputies of the Palestinian
            Legislative Council, holding its first full session in Gaza
in five months.. . .

            On the one hand, Arafat reaffirmed that peace remained the
"strategic option" of the
            Palestinian people and re-acknowledged Israelis' "need for
security and stability." On the
            other hand, mindful of the firm Palestinian national
consensus on the Intifada, he reaffirmed
            that Israel, too, must recognise "the needs and rights of
the Palestinian people" and that
            these could not be less than those granted them by
international legitimacy -- namely,
            Israel's withdrawal from "all" Arab land occupied in1967,
including "noble Jerusalem,"
            and the right of return of Palestinian refugees... ..

            With an eye on the upcoming Arab summit, he also lambasted
Israel's policies of "military
            escalation, siege and starvation" in the occupied
territories and repeated his call for
            international forces to provide protection to Palestinian
civilians ... .

            Unsurprisingly, Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon found
both the tone and content of the
            speech "disappointing." He was further irritated the same
day by a Saudi newspaper
            interview with Arafat, in which the PA leader said the
"Intifada will continue" and any future
            negotiations with Israel must resume "from the point where
they ended at Taba." Both
            positions are non-starters as far as Sharon and his
26-member government are concerned.

In response to the speech, Sharon made it clear that he
would not meet Arafat before his trip
to Washington ... ..

            While Arafat was stretching out his hands for a "peace of
the brave," the Israeli army
            reinforced trenches and earth ramparts that sever Ramallah
from 25 villages in its
            northern West Bank hinterland and used tanks to block the
town's main road to
            Jerusalem. ... .
           . . .
            PLO negotiator Yasser Abed Rabbo denounced the siege of
Ramallah as "Sharon's racist
            war against the Palestinian people." Arafat kept his
counsel, but in this his first joust with the
            new Israeli leader, the battle-lines were already clear.
"And they almost certainly mean
            confrontation," says one PA security source.

            Sharon seems to mean what he says, that there will be no
negotiations or any real alleviation
            of the siege unless Arafat moves to quell the uprising by
resuming security cooperation with
            the Israeli army and denouncing, "clearly and publicly," all
forms of Palestinian "violence and
            terror." The only concession offered is that the army will
be able to "relax" and "tighten" its
            hold, on an "area-by-area" basis throughout the occupied
territories. "It is quite an exchange
            for a loaf of bread," says the PA source.

            Such "bread" is clearly indigestible to Arafat, ... . "He
is basically saying to the Israelis
            that he is not going to run the show any longer unless he is
given something worth his while to
            do so," says Palestinian political analyst Khalil Shikaki.

            But what could that "something" be? Shikaki believes there
has to be international pressure on
            Israel to lift the siege and resume some form of final
status negotiations, "even if they are
            dead the day they convene." This would at least afford
Arafat a way to resume talks on the
            "interim arrangements," including some form of security
cooperation, that both Sharon and his
            foreign minister, Shimon Peres, say they now seek. But here,
too, Israel must give as well as
            receive, says Shikaki.

            Given the enormous human and material sacrifices of the
uprising, Arafat "must get a further
            Israeli redeployment in the West Bank large enough to
convince the Palestinians that a
            sovereign state is at least on the way," Shikaki says. The
PA leader would also need a freeze
            on all settlement construction and the release of
Palestinian political prisoners. All of this
            could, in theory, be agreed upon without Sharon, Peres or
Arafat having to cross any of their
            stated red lines.

             . . . There is nothing in Sharon's rhetoric, governmental
guidelines or
            actions to suggest that he will allow such an exit. Israel's
prime minister prefers an
            unconditional surrender, while Arafat cannot surrender to
Sharon's terms, says Shikaki,
            without "cracking down on the Palestinian street in an
extremely tough and bloody way" and
            losing whatever national legitimacy he and his forces have
accrued. This is a non-starter for
            Arafat, says Shikaki. "In other words, we are engaged in
brinkmanship. And it's very, very
            dangerous."

+++AL-AHRAM WEEKLY 15-21 Mar.'01:" Egypt's onward journey" book
review

by Omayma Abdel-Latif

                            Rihlat Umr: Tharawat Misr Bayn Abdel-Nasser
wal-Sadat, (The
                            Journey of a Lifetime: Egypt's Wealth under
Abdel-Nasser and
                            Sadat), Rushdi Said, Cairo: Dar Al-Hilal,
2000. pp214

           QUOTES FROM TEXT:
              "He attributes the rise of the Islamist current in
Egyptian life to the important
               contemporary social factors, the most important of which
is the state of
               frustration that came over society after the 1967 defeat"

" `they could not find anything better than the religious
tide to stand against
the nascent Jewish state in Palestine'

"Of the 1952 Revolution and the Free Officers who led it
... Said comments
that,for him, the Free Officers had little knowledge of
the Copts"

"the Officers recognised the qualifications of educated
Copts as being
essential for efficient public administration"

              "a law was passed allowing the president to appoint 10
MPs, half of
               whom were usually Copts, in the interests of ensuring
minority
                representation."

"Of his own presence in the 1964 parliament, he therefore
explains
that he felt uncomfortable with the perceived tokenism"

"he strongly criticises Sadat's policies on managerial
and technical grounds
for what he believes was their role in marginalising the
role of industry"

"an industrially strong Egypt would have posed a threat
to Israeli hegemony."

          EXCERPTS:
            ... Said is the product of Egypt's "liberal era," a period
which stretched from the early to
            middle decades of the last century and which was dealt a
terrible blow in the defeat
            Nasser's nationalist regime suffered at the hands of Israel
in the 1967 War.
            His generation believed in an Egypt remade by individual
initiative and by technological
            development; when this belief was tested as a result of the
1967 events, Said, like many
            others, withdrew to an extent from public life, retaining
public office under President Sadat,
            notably as head of Egypt's Mining Organisation and as a
minister in the government, but being
            detached from any specific political ideology and being
sustained chiefly by his scientific
            work.
            . . .
            Said is a firm believer in the virtues of secular
liberalism, and he says of his father that though
            he held all religions in deep respect, he himself led a
"purely secular life," having no particular
            attachment to the Church. Such an upbringing explains why
Said finds the rise of the
            conservative, religious trend in Egyptian society from the
1970s on to be beyond his
            comprehension ... several times criticising the way in which
religion has invaded politics over
            the past three decades or so.

            As well as describing the family milieu that shaped his
mature attitudes in some detail,
            however, Said also gives considerable space in his narrative
to an analysis of particular
            historical events that have determined his views. Three
events in particular were especially
            important, the first being the 1919 Revolution against
British colonial domination of the
            country, the second being the Second World War and the years
leading up to the 1952
            Revolution and the third being the rise of the religious
trend in Egyptian life over the past few
            decades. Of the 1919 Revolution, Said says that it was a
formative event, since it restored to
            Egyptians "their self-confidence and their love for the
nation," laying the foundations for
            future political development and for the 1923 Constitution.
It was during the war years, and
            during, in particular, the years preceding 1952, that the
modern shape of Egyptian society
            came into being, he says.
                 {IMRA: So why the subsequent failure?}

            Of the rise in religious influence in contemporary Egypt,
Said
            comments that understanding this is crucial since it is only
in this way that one can understand
            the contemporary direction of Egypt. He attributes the rise
of the Islamist current in Egyptian
            life to important contemporary social factors, the most
important of which is the state of
            frustration that came over society following the 1967
defeat. Nasser's failure to halt Israeli
            expansionism meant that people began to look for an
alternative to the nationalist discourse
            they thought had failed them, "and they could not find
anything better than the religious tide to
            stand against the nascent Jewish state in Palestine," Said
explains.

            Said's identity as a member of Egypt's Coptic minority
population dominates many parts of
            the narrative, and Said has many interesting things to say
about how he sees successive
            governments as having dealt with the Coptic issue. Of the
1952 Revolution and the Free
            Officers that led it, for example, Said comments that, for
him, "the Free Officers had little
            knowledge of the Copts," basing his view on the fact that
they would have had little direct
            contact with Copts and little indirect knowledge of them.
Nevertheless, Said says, the
            Officers recognised the qualifications of educated Copts as
being essential for efficient public
            administration, assigning important state positions to them
as a result. Sometimes, the Free
            Officers also acted in order to ensure at least some Coptic
representation at the highest levels
            of government. Noticing that the new government created in
1952 to replace Ali Maher's
            cabinet contained not a single Copt, for instance, Said
writes that Fathi Radwan nominated his
            friend Farid Antoun to be minister of food to make up for a
perceived Coptic deficit.
            . . .
            His political career Said describes as being a rather
unexpected one, it
            having been launched by his appointment to a committee
charged with selecting candidates
            for forthcoming parliamentary elections in the 1960s. In the
changed atmosphere of today's
            politics Said is able to speak freely of the abuses of this
time, commenting that "I don't know
            who nominated me to this committee, but I firmly believe
that my appointment was not done
            through the security apparatus. Probably, it had most to do
with the campaign then being
            mounted by Mohamed Hassanein Heikal of Al-Ahram to build
bridges between the
            government and the intellectuals." Nevertheless, he says
that the subsequent election
            revealed starkly how few Copts then played a part in the
country's political life, since only
            one Coptic candidate was elected. It was as a result of such
results that a law was passed
            allowing the president to appoint 10 MPs, half of whom were
usually Copts, in the interests of
            ensuring minority representation.

            In general, Said is unhappy with Coptic participation in
public life, criticising the "apathy" in
            the community that has meant that Copts, in his view, have
been instrumental in "forcing
            themselves out of political life and public service, and
thus revealing the schism in society that
            it had been hoped that the appointment of Copts to
parliament would heal." It was hoped at
            the time that the direct appointment of members of the
country's Coptic minority to
            parliament would be "a temporary measure, until the Copts'
own faith in politics had been
            restored, and they would have become fully engaged in
politics. Alas, however, this was not
            the case, and the presence of Copts in parliament became too
much the prerogative of the
            ruler and not of the electorate," Said writes. Of his own
presence in the 1964 parliament, he
            therefore explains that he felt uncomfortable with the
perceived tokenism that his position
            might have been felt to betray, realising that by accepting
"such an appointment, I had
            become the 'Other' in my own country." There is much in the
book on the relationship
            between the state and the religious authorities, and Said
confesses that sometimes he finds
            this relationship to be a perplexing one. Sometimes the
state will co-opt religion for its
            purposes, he comments; sometimes it will "insist that
religion and politics remain separate and
            ban the formation of political parties with religious
platforms," he says. In general, Said is for
            the nurturing of a stronger civil society in Egypt, and of
greater organisational pluralism.

            Perhaps the most interesting chapter in the book, however,
is that in which Said talks in detail
            about his own experience in the state bureaucracy as head of
the country's Mining
            Organisation in the later 1960s. Co-opted to head the
organisation from his post as a
            university professor, Said offers a fascinating account of
the intricacies and complicated web
            of relationships that ran through this official body whose
job it was to search for mineral
            resources in Egypt's deserts. Said explains how he had to
manage with limited resources,
            how he felt he was beset by numerous conspiracies against
him, and how he believes the
            security apparatus was then used to co-opt some people and
to condemn others. . . .
            Despite the problems he had to face -- the Soviet experts
seconded to the organisation he
            says were of little use since they lacked the necessary
knowledge of Egypt's terrain -- Said
            shows how he managed to lead the organisation to some real
achievements in these difficult
            years, managing also to use Egyptian expertise where
possible and to train Egyptian human
            resources. ...

             ... the most sensational aspect of Said's memoirs, and the
reason that they have been widely
            noticed in the press, is the author's discussion of what he
calls "the untalked-about issues in
            Egyptian politics" of the time. These silences, which Said
has made it his aim to address, had
            to do with the then "ruling system" in Egypt. "There was a
persistent lack of transparency and
            a consistent blocking of the flow of information," Said
charges. "Too often state officials were
            not accountable, and citizens remained unengaged in
civil-society organisations." Though he
            was himself a part of this "system," being a member of three
successive parliaments between
            1964 and 1971, he does not believe that the system, or its
legislative arm in parliament, had
            credibility. He criticises, in particular, the parliament's
supine stance before the nomination of
            MPs by the security apparatus, its failure to scrutinise
legislation, and its willingness to refer
            everything to the executive without debate.

            Said offers a similarly bold assessment of the Sadat years
that followed. Though he had few
            ideological affiliations aside from an ingrained belief in
liberalism, and thus did not particularly
            mourn the demise of the Nasserist system, he strongly
criticises Sadat's policies on
            managerial and technical grounds for what he believes was
their role in marginalising the role
            of industry in the Egyptian economy. "This marginalisation
was part of a larger scheme to
            prepare Egypt to accommodate a new Middle Eastern order in
which Israel would have a
            secure place," he writes, arguing that Sadat's policies
meant the end of the attempts at
            unification, or of enhanced co-operation, among Arab states,
which had so marked the
            previous decades, with the result that the Arab countries
became isolated in the face of
            Israeli expansionism. Such policies also marked the end,
however, of the kind of independent
            economic development that had officially marked out
Nasserism, Said argues, since an
            industrially strong Egypt would have posed a threat to
Israeli hegemony.

            This abdication before Israel "explains the fact that none
of the Arab countries managed to
            build an industrial base apart from Egypt and Iraq. But
thanks to the Gulf War, Iraq has now
            lost its industrial base, and in Egypt the ruling elite
opted to move away from the field of
            production to the field of services, thereby dismantling the
country's industrial base." It was
            when he saw this happening that Said decided to quit
politics, submitting his resignation as
            minister of industry in 1977, and putting an end to his
years of public service. He then spent
            many years on private projects, often living outside the
country for long spells. He was in the
            United States in 1981 when he learnt that his name was on
the list of those to be arrested in a
            government crackdown on dissent.

            Said's book reveals many of the author's personal qualities,
and it explains, through the
            journey of one who was a part of it, a generation's faith
and hopes for Egypt. Many of these
            hopes, however, have been disappointed, Said admitting
defeat particularly in his generation's
            failure "to build a university that could compete with the
prestigious universities worldwide,"
            and thus contribute to the country's development. Despite
such self-criticism, however, Said
            remains hopeful that the problems that Egypt is now facing
can be solved. "

Dr. Joseph Lerner, Co-Director IMRA

--------------------------------------------
IMRA - Independent Media Review and Analysis
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======= To: jbonner101@aol.com
Subject: [bprlist] The Name 'Allah'
From: Pam
Date: Fri, 23 Mar 2001 17:10:24 -0500

Dear Jane:
    The book, Great Religions of the World states, on page 180: "At the
very core of Islam is the belief in Allah - meaning 'the god,' the one
and only. The attributes of Allah are similar to the attributes of
Yahweh as described in the Jewish Scriptures and of God in the Christian
Scriptures."
    It would appear that the name 'Allah' is the name used by Muhammad,
himself, to identify 'the god', the one and only.
    God Bless you. Charlie Baker.

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======= To: <bprlist@yahoogroups.com>
Subject: Re: [bprlist] The Name 'Allah'
From: "Sunday"
Date: Fri, 23 Mar 2001 18:20:47 -0500

Hello Charlie and Jane,

The book, Great Religions of the World states, on page 180: "At the
very core of Islam is the belief in Allah - meaning 'the god,' the one
and only. The attributes of Allah are similar to the attributes of
Yahweh as described in the Jewish Scriptures and of God in the Christian
Scriptures."
*** I do not know the author of this book but I can say that the attributes of Yahweh are by no means similar to those of Allah, the moon god.
Check these urls out which should give
a more accurate picture -
http://www.chick.com/reading/tracts/0042/0042_01.asp
http://www.balaams-ass.com/alhaj/yitha.htm
(The Arab music on the above site will drive you bonkers so
turn your sound off - otherwise Steve has great music of the
Church on his site) Happy Reading - Maranatha -- Sunday

[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]

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======= To: <bprlist@yahoogroups.com>
Subject: Re: [bprlist] The Name 'Allah'
From: "Sunday"
Date: Fri, 23 Mar 2001 21:03:06 -0500

Dear Charlie and Jane,

In my last post I mistakingly called Allah, the moon god. I have since been corrected by reading the Balaam's - Ass
book articles. I have been fascinated and amazed at the
information contained at Steve Van Natten's site, on the Islamic religion. I hope all on the list will be able to read this.
May God Bless you all - Sunday

[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]

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